SAM'S SENSE: Lessons after Adani
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Exactly one year ago at the State of the Nation address,
President William Ruto cancelled twin procurement processes involving Indian conglomerate
Adani Holdings, following new information that pointed towards a corruption-ridden
corporate.
There was fierce excitement on the floor of the House as Members
of Parliament, some of whom had spent weeks defending the Adani-GoK
arrangement, hailed the President for being a listening Head of State.
One of the cancelled deals was a Ksh.96 billion contract with
KETRACO to build power transmission lines. That decision has since come to
haunt the government with negotiations now underway for Kenya to pay Adani
Energies a termination fee.
Twelve months later, little has changed. The expansion of the
Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) remains an intention not a project.
Recently, the President spoke in Qatar about the possibility
of partnering with them on the same development, a venture that could cost
upwards of Ksh.200 billion.
And as the country reflects on the State of the Nation, it is
a moment to examine what the Adani saga has taught us about public procurement
and especially public-private partnerships.
For months, media and public scrutiny intensified around the
Adani proposals. The government insisted the concerns were disinformation.
Whistleblowers were dismissed as cynics.
MPs asking legitimate questions were accused of fronting rival
interests. Allegations emerged that senior government officials were eyeing
kickbacks. The nation spent months debating whether this was a privately
initiated proposal or a privately interested one.
It later became evident that allies of top government
officials were are the center of pushing the Kenya Airports Authority to
fast-track review and approval of the Adani-JKIA proposal.
Then one morning, US media reported that authorities there had
indicted Indian billionaire Gautam Adani for fraud. President Ruto cited this
as, “new information provided by our investigative agencies and partner
nations,” claiming adherence to constitutional principles of transparency and
accountability.
But one year on, key questions remain: Has the Kenya Airports
Authority made any progress in procuring a developer for the JKIA expansion?
Have there been any privately initiated proposals since the
Adani affair?
When the President says Qatar could partner with Kenya on the
project, is that simply exploratory language or a sign that procurement is
already at an advanced stage? In his 163-paragraph speech to Parliament, he
dedicated only a single sentence to the JKIA modernization.
There is no denying that JKIA urgently needs an upgrade if
Kenya is to compete globally. Rwanda is already working with Qatar to build its
Bugesera airport, with Qatar owning upto 60 per cent of the new facility.
But Kenya has its own rules, its own laws and a constitution
that anchors everything on transparency and accountability. Kenyans cannot be
faulted for their skepticism.
They have been abused too many times. They are currently
repaying loans amounting to Ksh.12 trillion – at least what is publicly
declared.
Big projects have repeatedly been tainted by corruption.
Access to information has been restricted from the very beginning of such
undertakings. Kenyans feel the strain, and they are determined to avoid any
unnecessary future burdens.
Today, taxpayers feel over-policed: heavily taxed and
subjected to strict compliance mechanisms. Asking questions about procurement
is not pettiness, it is responsible citizenship.
Local suppliers must operate under electronic procurement
systems and electronic tax invoicing through e-TIMS, leaving no room to hide.
When billions are at stake, there cannot be a different, more lenient standard
for government.
If authorities demand strict compliance in revenue collection,
demanding the same discipline in expenditure is not too much. Seeking
transparency when taking on debt; whether through public-private partnerships,
securitisation of future revenues, or a sovereign wealth fund, is not pedantic.


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